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The Congo Free State: Some specific examples of Laziness re-examined
Today I want to go even further into a particular issue regarding the "Black-committed atrocities".
"Lack of Documentation" revisited:
Let's first go into the area
On issue historians face when condemning Leopold II is a lack of documentation; even a BBC documentary blithely accused Leopold of destroying the relevant records. It’s not a charge that is easy to respond to; how does one prove that no records were destroyed?He of course doesn't go into issue of how this was "blithely" accused.
But it shouldn’t matter, because from 1904 to 1908, in response to public outcry over the Congo, an independent council created by Italy, Switzerland and Belgium conducted an ongoing investigation and released periodical reports called The Official Bulletin of the Congo Free State (translation).This is hilarious, as it demonstrates his lack of familiarity with conducting history or understanding documents that I'm sad the last user to critique Faulk didn't point out.
First of, this wasn't a "periodical". It was a singular report published in 1905 (not in the intervals he published), hence the English name of the document that u/Redhermit1982 uses. He assumed it was a "periodical" because he didn't read the official English-translation (that I shall use), he used a google-translate version. To see an actual periodical that mentions the report, while also noting abuses by other Europeans while defending Belgium, see here.
Second issue deals with with the formation of the body that created the report. What he doesn't mention is that this commission was order by the King, and wasn't some "Cross-European" impartial inquiry.
Of course this council did not report extreme genocide going at the behest of Leopold’s government. In fact, they reported that the abuses occurred almost exclusively when FP detachments were sent out WITHOUT a European commander, and that the presence of European commanders was what prevented atrocities and rape.I'm very curious what he is reading from his google-translation, because my so far ten page read on their description of the Sentry System doesn't detail rape (which was a thing) but rather Sentries who were in fact often not native to these regions, with the report emphasizing their foreign origins from the villages they controlled, were the cause of the abuses and the report promoted the Native chiefs as the proper intermediates between White and Native relations.
(It is interesting to read these bulletins and see just how matter-of-fact they are about it; it’s just assumed that blacks will rape unless kept in order by whites.)
And in terms of mutilation – chopping off hands and feet – there is zero documentation that that was Leopold’s policy, nor did the investigation find any evidence that it was Leopold’s policy. In fact, the investigation claimed that this was done by indigenous members of the FP, particularly when a European officer was absent.
In the section speaking of mutilation, while attributed to "ancient customs" of trophies or securing evidence, they allude to white officers being tolerant. In fact, reading testimonies of missionaries who witnessed the practice (which can be read in Red Rubber by Morel) they explicitly note that they present the hands to the officers as proof that they killed their targets. Hochschild likewise quoted an actual official in his diary as tolerating the practice as necessary.
In addition, chopping off limbs seems to be a ridiculous policy given that the biggest problem Leopold had was a labor shortage.That's because, even reading Wikipedia, it was typically used not to inspire labor but as an indicator of confirmed kills (other measures like flogging or hostages were). Soldiers "cheated" by mutilation only, used mutilation as theft as one report provided, or the victims pretended death to survive, hence photos of living amputees.
It is also known that limb mutilation had occurred both before and after the Congo Free State – and without any reliable statistics, there’s no way to know if it even increased during the Congo Free State.We know nonetheless, supported by the commission, that the system itself perpetuated harms inherently (hence why it called for it's end) and that it's abuses were aware by officials (it quoted them) and whether or not it resulted in general population declined is relevant since violence isn't even attributed as the major sources of depopulation.
The argument of the investigation was that Leopold’s government was not pro-active in stopping these atrocities and may have facilitated them by arming members of certain tribes who had long-running hatreds against other tribes.Given the whole "propaganda war" done to suppress the atrocities, it's obvious he had culpability if these reports mattered.
Amazingly, even after knowing this, some white readers will still do whatever they can to blame Leopold as the chief culprit for whatever happened, because it makes them feel like good people or something.
I leave u/Redhermit1982 with the rest as he already did. Just wanted to emphasize the trend of intellectual Laziness I already view from Faulk.
Regarding the Commission Report.
So just as the aforementioned user suggested, the report's findings were often considered to comply with that of opponents of the Congo free State with colonialist-bias. However, the information has been used at times to support the Free State by minimizing the abuses. It's gets away with this by using only a sample of evidence, rarely going into deep detail of the occurrences that took place, and distrusting using full African Witness testimony.
From a paper that investigate this very issue.
Although the commissioners were clearly carefully selected by Leopold, their names were generally received positively in Belgium and abroad. Other parts of the decree, however, were criticized heavily. In Belgium a critical reaction appeared in the Mouvement Géographique, a well-respected journal that was funded by a colonial financial holding and until then had a long history of being supportive of Leopold’s colonial enterprise. The authors of the reaction, Alphonse Wauters and Félicien Cattier, argued that the envisioned commission could not guarantee the revelation of the impartial truth. They especially criticized the fact that the commissioners had to function under governmental control and that their investigatory powers were restricted to those of ordinary officers of the Public Prosecution, which would not give them enough authority to fully scrutinize the Congo administration.This was met, as can be read in early printed documents in the report, with greater agency to the commission by Leopold, but it's limitations weren't yet amended.
The commission returned to Europe on 21 February 1905 and soon started preparing its final report. The writing phase would turn out to be long and difficult however. Although the report was signed by each of the commissioners, the text was not written collectively and the commissioners had many differences of opinion. Tensions ran especially high between Nisco and Janssens.49 The final report would become a product of negotiation and compromise. Before being published the manuscript of the report was moreover send to king Leopold and ‘corrected’ by him personally.50 The final report was eventually published in the official bulletin of the Congo Free State on 5 November 1905. At the moment of the publication of the report the establishment of a new commission was announced, the so-called commission of the XVII, which had to study the findings of the commission of inquiry and propose practical solutions to the problems that were raised by latter’s report.51Worthy of note.
The actual testimonies and documents upon which the report claimed to base its findings remained unpublished and the archive of the commission remained sealed until the middle of the 1980s.52 Parts of the testimonies were nevertheless publicly available, even before the report was released, because they were published by the Congo Reform Association which received them directly from Protestant missionaries in Congo.53 The publication of these testimonies was a very effective strategy because it significantly limited the possibilities of denial by the commissioners and because it kept public opinion attentive to the postponed report.
Most members of the commission left Europe with the firm belief that they had been granted the honor to acquit Leopold from libellous allegiations.56 They were in for an unpleasant surprise, however. What they were about to read, hear and see must have been quite shocking for the commissioners. The commission’s archive is full of handwritten notes and exclamation marks which all indicate that the commissioners were stunned by the amount of incriminating material which they found.57 Some of the findings of the commission were disconcerting even for their authors who were sometimes unable to find internal consensus – which created several ambiguities and contradictions in the report.Regarding the limitation of African testimony.
The commissioners here merely followed a widespread ‘colonial hermeneutics of suspicion’59 often used by the Congo government in its strategy of denial. These hermeneutics of suspicion, however, created serious epistemic problems for the commission. The commissioners received the authority to speak as masters of inquiry, but the radical suspicion of indigenous witnesses made their mission nearly impossible because it seriously restricted the extent to which they could make use of the conventional procedures of (forensic) inquiry and of the extensive material collected during the hearings. As a contemporary commentator wrote, the commisioners’ radical distrust of the African witnesses raised the question of what then had been the value of their entire voyage in the Congo.60 The commissioners partly tried to solve this problem by engaging in an alternative type of truth-claim which was not based primarily on oral testimonies by the victims but on generalizing observations about the customs, habits and behavioural potentials of the Congolese population – and which with Foucault we can call ‘examination’ rather than inquiry.After addressing various stereotypes such as African Laziness, which mainly meant not doing rubber work without being forced, love for war and lack of charity for the sick, the paper explains the limitations of this decision.
....not only did the jurists of the commission move far beyond their normal field of expertise, they also engaged in an epistemic practice for which the techniques and procedural conventions of ‘truth finding’ were still far less established and widely accepted than those of the much older tradition of inquiry.Other issues.
What had often been presented as among the world’s most progressive pieces of legislation, the commission found, only existed on paper or was even actively meant to incapacitate the rule of law. In order to fix this, the commissioners argued, one needed more than classic European legal expertise, but also knowledge about the customs of the natives. This argument is very explicit in the chapter on the land regime and freedom of trade which features some of the most critical passages in the report.I leave the rest of the material for others to read.
If others actually want a non-Hoschild's view of the Congo and can read French, I suggest Jean Stenger's works and 2007 edition of the book on this topic of the regime, or Pierre-luc Plasman.